Editor's note: The Great Wave

We have done the unthinkable—bring down a dictator—only to realise that the fascism within the body politic—and within ourselves—is much harder to dislodge than a once-invincible regime. If we are to do better as a nation than we have in the past, we must do the hard work of looking inwards and collectively figuring out the root causes of our dispossession and deprivation.

How the Hasina regime became so unpopular

Although efforts were made to hide Hasina regime's bad governance by gagging the media and free speech and using fake statistics of economic growth and various visible infrastructure development projects, her downfall could not be prevented. It is important to learn from the history of the Hasina regime so that such incidents can be prevented in the future.

A chronicle of the July uprising

When students took to the streets on July 1, 2024, demanding reforms of the quota system, they did not imagine that this movement was about to rewrite the history of Bangladesh.

FROM QUOTA TO STATE REFORM

How a student's movement for reform of the quota system for government jobs turned into a mass upsurge against a fascist government and led to the fall of Sheikh Hasina after 15 years in power

July 36, 2024

Eye-witnesses would describe that as early as mid-day the police were shooting at protesters breaking curfew and trying to go to Shahbagh. When Hasina fell and Gono Bhaban was taken over, the protesters turned on the police. The police were armed—the protesters were not. Even though the government had fallen, they trooped out and shot everyone in sight.

Lest we forget the casualties of a revolution

In speaking to these patients and their families, getting to know their injuries and woes, the elephant in the room was the fact that none of the shattered bones or blinded eyes or missing limbs were “regular injuries.” All were sanctioned and carried out by those then in charge of protecting Bangladesh's citizens.

The uprising of cartoons

The use of cartoons in mass uprisings is a long-standing tradition, but the sheer volume of cartoons created in the last 20 days of July 2024 seems to be unprecedented in the country’s history. Many of these cartoons were produced by entirely new cartoonists, some of whom may have been drawing their first political cartoons. Yet, their work displayed a level of sharpness, awareness and expertise that belied their inexperience.

Simu Naser

'We must not lose focus from real political barriers'

Badruddin Umar, a leading Marxist intellectual, political analyst, and activist, talks about the recent student-led mass uprising and what lies in the political future of Bangladesh in an interview with Ananta Yusuf, Priyam Paul, and Shamsuddoza Sajen of The Daily Star.

Interview

All that is solid melts into the air: The July uprising and a state in transition

Our people opened a new horizon of possibilities and demonstrated what it means to be active citizens. In the days of chaos following the fall—with no police and the army happy to sit back—they took on traffic regulation, protected their neighbourhoods, and organised a massive relief effort for the flood victims. They did all this without command and with no thought of reward other than a functioning state. The jury is still out on what they have received in turn.

Seuty Sabur and Shehzad M Arifeen

'We need to clearly articulate what we mean by a discrimination-free Bangladesh'

Anu Muhammad discusses the people's aspirations for equality, the ambiguity around 'discrimination,' and the challenges faced by the left in Bangladesh. From class and gender inequality to ethnic and religious discrimination, this conversation highlights the crucial issues we must address to build a just society.

Interview

Of minoritisation and symbolic violence

Following the collapse of the government, reports began to circulate of attacks on temples, establishments and persons belonging to minority groups (that is, those of non-Bengali and non-Sunni Islam origins). News of these attacks themselves began to be weaponised, by regional and international interests, in a bid to reinforce the illusory narrative set by the Awami League.

July uprising in the lives of garment workers

Garment workers, earning a meagre Tk 12,500, found themselves united with the students and the public in their shared struggle against deprivation and discrimination. Over the past 15 years, every time they took to the streets to protest injustices, they were brutally silenced through violence, torture, attacks, lawsuits, and even murder. The history of the July uprising must also include the struggles and sacrifices of the working class, who are the driving force of the economy. Their voices must be represented at the national policy level.

The politics of the 'clash' between Bangalees and Paharis

The term “Bangalee-pahari conflict” is used as a contextual term for the English “ethnic conflict.” The rhetoric of ethnic conflict or ethnic violence views ethnic identity as an immutable feature of human nature. Or, in other words, these terms create the assumption that violence along ethnic lines is “primordial” or inherent to ethnic or cultural differences. This is seriously problematic because such assumptions normalise violence. In reality, both pahari/Indigenous people and the settler Bangalees are victims of state experimentation.

What really is 'Chhatra Janata'?

Just as students stepped in to ebb looting, they inserted themselves into the formation of the government. These acts of interruption are important not only because of the principle in each—“thou shalt not steal” and “thou shalt not steal the people's will”—but also because each time these acts disrupted the given scripts and created an opening, however small, for something different to emerge.

We Wish to Inform You:
Censorship in Bangladesh
(1972-2024)

Censorship, subtle and overt, concerned with both the sacred and secular, has been a characteristic of every post-independence, civilian and military, government.

Naeem Mohaiemen Full Article

The tyranny of tagging: Dismantling the fascist, discursive weapon of labelling

In Bangladesh, the practice of labelling individuals—whether positively or derogatively—has been normalised in political debates since the country's birth. For instance, “muktijoddha” is an unequivocal category of sacrifice, heroism, and high moral ground while “razakar” is the opposite, the ultimate traitor to the nation. Although some people do not fit into these binary categories, they have become socially, politically and, to some extent, legally fixed as binaries.

Women can no longer afford to wait in the sidelines

Following the fall of Sheikh Hasina and the establishment of the interim government, the once powerful voices of women during the revolution are missing in the public sphere. Historically, women’s rights have been deprioritised or postponed in favour of broader societal objectives. In post-revolution Bangladesh, where there have been several worrying incidents involving violence, online harassment and moral policing, we find ourselves in a position where we are having to choose between voicing our concerns, or showing patience.

Mediating the July massacre

It was unquestionably the duty of the mainstream media—especially during the internet blackout when people had no other source of news to turn to—to provide people with actual, factual information about their country, their people, and their government. It was only because the people “took the media into their own hands” through social media that they were able to fulfil the role of the media to inform, to educate, and to persuade.

Kajalie Shehreen Islam

What shapes the language and direction of successful movements?

A vibrant culture of argumentation, freedom of expression and openness to criticism are the prerequisites for developing into a higher entity—as a person, as a society, and as a state. During the repressive rule, we unfortunately lost the habit of tolerating opposing views. But it is refreshing to see how people from all walks of life and age groups are getting engaged in dialogues and discussions, and with due respect to views that they not necessarily subscribe to.

Hijacking History: 1971 narratives in the Awami League's reign

Writing the history of the 1971 Liberation War, the most pivotal event in the region, remains a complex task. This war continues to shape the present, deeply influencing our understanding of the past.

Fixing Bangladesh's economic woes

It is too soon to expect any significant economic changes, particularly as the previous government, led by Sheikh Hasina, left behind a fragile economy marked by high inflation, declining foreign exchange reserves, sluggish private investment, a growing debt burden, poor revenue collection, inefficiencies in development project implementation, and weak governance in the financial sector. Repairing the fractures within the economy will require persistent and arduous efforts over an extended period. However, the right strategies and sustained efforts can improve the economy.

A feminist manifesto for Bangladesh

We need a feminism that embodies strong anti-capitalist critiques, one that fights against the neocolonial and neoliberal forces which make already privileged people even more privileged. We need a feminism that fights against the material obstacles experienced by all minoritised and marginalised communities. We need a feminism that is revolutionary, that is not restricted by any politics of funding, that is inseparable from grassroots struggles and resistance. What would such a feminist manifesto look like for Bangladesh?

Power sector must belong to us, not conglomerates and foreign actors

With the collapse of the autocratic regime and appointment of a pro-renewable power and energy adviser, the current challenge lies in effectively implementing the goal of using renewable energy to tackle energy crises and achieve zero emissions. We must reflect on past events to understand the reasons behind the adoption of coal, oil, LNG, and nuclear power. This will enable us to clearly formulate short-term and long-term strategies to overcome the current crisis and break the vicious cycle of energy insecurity.

Moshahida Sultana

Beyond the Shadows: Reforming surveillance practices in Bangladesh

During the July-August uprising, and in the decade leading up to it, the use of state and security agencies to surveil ordinary citizens became so ubiquitous that people self-censored on public technology platforms and migrated to private, encrypted messaging services. In response to these concerns, various civil society and industry groups are calling for the repeal of the Cyber Security Act, 2023 (CSA) and the dismantling of organisations like the National Telecommunications Monitoring Centre (NTMC) for undermining privacy and other fundamental rights.

We need a human rights agenda for transition to democracy

The past 15 years have seen the most severe narrowing of civic space, heightened surveillance, intimidation, and reprisals that often led to self-censorship. Rather than accountability for these violations, officials responsible were often rewarded for their misconduct. As we move forward with several reform agendas that can be implemented within a short timeframe, it is essential to have a national conversation on what "governance anchored in human rights" should truly look like.

Students and faculty need more say in universities

To make universities more autonomous, rules and regulations must be revised so that sectarian and partisan politics are not allowed to take over. This applies first to teachers and then to students. Teachers and students need to be aware of the importance of democratic practices, but this does not mean they should be used for political purposes. Universities must focus on the smooth functioning of education and the betterment of the country, rather than serving as a platform for political parties.

Samina Luthfa

'Legislative reforms needed to limit executive's influence over judicial decisions'

Md Masdar Hossain, retired senior district and sessions judge and a legal practitioner, talks about securing judicial independence and ways to constitutional reform in the current context of Bangladesh in an interview with Priyam Paul of The Daily Star.

Interview

Addressing the crisis of confidence in the judiciary

Throughout the protests it was apparent that the protesters had no faith in the judiciary's handling of the quota issue and did not bother to engage with the judicial system at all. Public confidence in the judiciary is essential for a stable democracy. The appointment of a Chief Justice who is acceptable to the public due to his illustrious academic background and record of integrity is only the first step. Several more steps are necessary to make the judiciary an airtight institution that will resist the dark forces of executive interference.

Lineaments of an equitable and democratic national education policy

The reform in education must present itself, first, as a rigorous economic reform programme. Otherwise, it will necessarily remain rhetorical, hyperbolic, even hypocritical. A meaningful reform of education for social transformation cannot be implemented without an equitable and democratic economic programme to elevate the subaltern classes, to put an end to their condition of subalternity.

Salimullah Khan

Fascism, self-censorship, and the 'new Bangladesh'

No other government in this country's political history has been labelled “fascist” with such intensity, despite similar tendencies having existed before—at times to the same extent. The current context is unique in that it reflects the 15-year-long authoritarian rule of Awami League and its trickle-down oppression. Yet, understanding fascism is crucial if we seek to avoid the rise of another such regime.

How we go about the Bangla Spring now will define its future

Between “July 34-36”, Bangladesh saw the explosion of a united democratic desire among people of all classes and professions. The demand for democracy was the revolutionary desire then. Following on from that, establishing meaningful democracy is going to be the true revolutionary programme now. The world is now calling it the Bangla Spring—the spring whose graffiti has adorned the walls of Dhaka.