Students and faculty need more say in universities

Samina Luthfa

Meanwhile, at the country’s 110 private universities, the major problems arise from the overt and excessive control of the University Grants Commission (UGC) of Bangladesh over the functions of these universities. Faculty members’ representation is almost non-existent, as they do not have much say in deciding what kind of courses they teach or whether they take on research students. However, very recently, private universities have been allowed to have their own research students, such as MPhil and PhD students, which is a welcome move.

If we want to focus on the problems of all universities in Bangladesh, the major problems are based on the fact that most universities are overly controlled by the government, especially by the Ministry of Education through the UGC. Additionally, within the universities, there are teachers and students who are supporters of the ruling party, thus producing an environment that is not conducive to creating or disseminating new knowledge in a fruitful manner.

At private universities, this control is exercised through various steps taken by the UGC, while in public universities, it is executed through the ruling party's influence over teacher and student groups.

Another significant issue in the post-colonial era is the emergence of universities that favour neoliberal policies in the economy. This shift undermines the vision of universities as centres of academic knowledge for the betterment of the masses in Bangladesh.

Now, with World Bank funding, the UGC has taken up a 20-year strategy to privatise public universities or their services—in the name of "quality enh hiancement." However, in reality, this strategy is channelling resources and the energy of university teachers towards evening courses, holiday programmes, and similar initiatives, which bars access to quality higher education for students with working class backgrounds.

Another critical point of discussion is how even the six universities with some level of autonomy misuse that autonomy. Many teachers at these universities spend their time doing consultancy research or teaching at private universities, neglecting the students at their home institutions. Students cannot hold them accountable because teachers can abuse the 1973 act in their favour by relying on their partisan political stance. As a result, the focus is no longer on cognitive development or creating new knowledge but on winning elections, as autonomous universities hold elections for various positions, including VC, senate, syndicate members, and even deans. Student union leaders are also elected.

This election-centric environment leads teachers to use students as pawns in their pursuit of power. They can get away with this because, once elected, they accumulate significant influence over other teachers and use this power to win elections with the support of governing elites.

Another crisis is the low allocation of funding for higher education in Bangladesh, which is the lowest in South Asia. There is only meagre funding for new research, and when there is funding, it is often distributed based on political connections, creating barriers for teachers who want to conduct research but are not involved in university-based teachers’ politics. Our own MPhil and PhD degrees are not even well-regarded by ourselves, which shows how research initiatives are being stifled. When it comes to hiring teachers, it's crucial to select them based on their teaching philosophy, academic track record, and research abilities, rather than by their political affiliations. We need a system where the best candidates are chosen to teach, and this process should involve the departments more than the central administration, including a two- or three-phase selection process.

In terms of university admission tests, several issues need to be addressed. There are different types of admission tests for different universities, but the "centralised guccho" (bunch) admission test system is not beneficial for anyone—not the teachers, universities, nor the students. This system needs to be revised thoroughly or phased out altogether. The current MCQ-based tests do not allow us to properly evaluate students' reading, writing, and comprehension skills, and the quality of students will decline if we do not find a rigorous method of assessing their knowledge through aptitude tests or written comprehension in place. For guccho admission tests, a subject-based guccho can be considered. For example, all agricultural universities could hold one guccho test with declared rankings of the universities. However for general universities, things are trickier. If we go by region, the true character of universities will be missed and universities will become more regional and conservative. Apart from universities which will always conduct their own admission tests, other general universities can also be ranked and students can be distributed across them as per their achieved test scores.

The residential problem at public universities is a major issue. Students from across the country fight for admission and once they are accepted, many cannot afford private housing in Dhaka. Most want to stay in the residential halls, but this is where much of the politicisation occurs. The "guest rooms" and "gono rooms" at halls are used to run political operations, where students are manipulated by teachers and political leaders. Administrators need to ensure that all first-year students are guaranteed seats in the dorms, and that no one without the legal status of a student is allowed to stay in the halls. We often see that students who have the necessary legal rights to stay at the halls are denied their place, and the system is manipulated for political purposes.

There are certain problems that can be solved by the government itself. To ensure academic freedom, the government must ensure freedom within the state system as well. We need to abolish authoritarian laws, like the Cyber Security Act, which can prevent the public from expressing their opinions. The UGC's neoliberal strategy, influenced by the World Bank, needs to be scrapped. University education should not be privatised or driven solely by profit.

To make universities more autonomous, rules and regulations must be revised so that sectarian and partisan politics are not allowed to take over. This applies first to teachers and then to students. Teachers and students need to be aware of the importance of democratic practices, but this does not mean they should be used for political purposes. Universities must focus on the smooth functioning of education and the betterment of the country, rather than serving as a platform for political parties.

It's crucial that teachers and students become involved in decision-making bodies within a university, while the overwhelming power of VCs should be reduced. Academic councils and syndicates should feature proper representation of lecturers, assistant professors, associate professors, professors, and other professionals, as well as of students.

For universities not governed by the 1973 act, separate rules and regulations need to be adopted rather than following government service rules. Authorities at these institutions need to remember that universities are meant to promote democratic values, free-thinking, and patriotism. Therefore, universities should be guided by these ideals rather than focusing on profit or producing graduates for the job market.

In terms of teaching and research, teachers must be held accountable. There should be non-partisan teaching evaluations, and the evaluation of teachers' contributions should be done fairly. Additionally, we need to put an end to government-funded scholarships that send bureaucrats abroad for PhDs and instead redirect those funds towards improving research environments at local universities, encouraging people to stay in the country and conduct research that benefits Bangladesh. Also, all academic journals should be run through an editorial committee, not just the dean as an editor as this is often a tactic used for their personal gains in partisan politics.

Lastly, the bachelor's degree should be used as a terminal degree and the master's degree should be made optional for those who want to pursue academia or need a higher degree. This will help address the residential problem by reducing the demand for dormitory spaces. The need for PhD and MPhil research in Bangladesh should be fulfilled, allowing students to conduct research in Bangla if necessary. Additionally, more collaboration is needed between private and public universities, as well as partnerships between Bangladeshi universities and foreign institutions, especially where Bangladeshi academics can work. The UGC’s grip around the private universities needs to be loosened. International and national collaboration through exchanges, seminars, conferences, symposiums, and joint research programmes will enhance the skills of local academics and provide foreign professionals with opportunities to work on Bangladeshi issues.

Dr Samina Luthfa is associate professor at the Department of Sociology in Dhaka University.

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