July uprising in the lives of garment workers
Taslima Akhter
History has always been written by the powerful, while the struggles of workers have been systematically erased. But the history of the July uprising must also include the struggles and sacrifices of the working class, who are the driving force of the economy. Their voices must be represented at the national policy level.
With this aspiration, we investigated the death toll of RMG workers during the July uprising and discovered that at least 26 garment workers have died in the protests so far. This list is growing each day. Each worker’s story is a testament to the intensity of their struggle. It reflects how the students’ movement resonated inside the factory walls, reaching even the most oppressed labourers. Abu Sayed’s call to action reached the dilapidated homes of workers, as evident in the last words of Sumon, a garment worker who was shot to death:
“I will consider myself blessed if I can stand by my country the way Abu Sayed had sacrificed his life for it. Please, everyone, pray for me, so that I can help liberate my country and live freely! And if I don’t return alive, forgive me if I have done you wrong.”
These haunting last words are a reminder that workers like Sumon are also symbols of resistance, just like Abu Sayed, Mugdho, Farhan, and Naima.
The protests quickly spread to neighbourhoods surrounding Dhaka that were primarily inhabited by factory workers. From the outskirts of the capital city, extending beyond Badda, Mohakhali, Uttara to Gazipur, Ashulia, Savar, Dhamrai and all the way to Narayanganj—all these are neighbourhoods concentrated with garment factory workers. Protests erupted in Narsingdi and Chittagong as well. Workers, on their way to factories, would watch the protests with both caution and eagerness. Some joined them when they could, while others took photos and videos, sharing them on social media—these videos later helped identify the deceased workers. Garment workers could not accept the brutal violence inflicted on students and the public. They became involved in various ways, offering support and solidarity to the movement.
These garment workers, earning a meagre Tk 12,500, found themselves united with the students and the public in their shared struggle against the deprivation they face daily. Over the past 15 years, they had faced oppression, torture, attacks, lawsuits, and even murder. Every time they took to the streets to protest the injustices, they were brutally silenced. Garment workers’ collective desire to attain a life of dignity drew them into the movement organically.
Although their participation may not have been large in numbers, it was significant. Garment workers’ role in the movement was especially noticeable at the height of the movement, from August 2 to August 5. In the final march to Gana Bhaban (Prime Minister’s residence) to demand Sheikh Hasina’s resignation, workers had joined in huge numbers only to face the worst brutalities yet. That day saw the largest massacre, with a significant number of workers being shot dead in different industrial areas as they attempted to reach the residence of the now-ousted Hasina.
That day, garment worker Sumon was near Ashulia Police Station where piles of dead bodies were being packed into a van and then set on fire. His sister Moniza and wife Mariam begged him to go back home, but he couldn’t bring himself to leave the protest. Despite assuring his family that he would return, Sumon remained on the streets—and was shot. He made his final journey home to his village in Panchagarh, not in life, but in death.
This is how workers like Shakinur, Nazmul, Nayeem, Touhidur, Rahmat, Subhashila, Russell, Minarul, Sohel, Rabiul, Yamin, Ayatullah, Shariful, Sohag, Rashedul, Asifur, and others were shot during the protests between July and August—some in the back, some in the head, some in the chest.
In this new Bangladesh, born out of the sacrifices of thousands, garment workers are now dreaming of a work environment free from fear and a life of dignity. This can be seen in the recent protests of garment factory workers. Along with the demand to raise the minimum wage of garment workers to Tk. 25,000 a month, they are also advocating for both immediate, factory-level issues and long-term reforms to the sector. Their demands include justice and compensation for those workers who lost their lives during the July mass uprising and the 2023 minimum wage movement, as well as state recognition of the deceased.
Although there have been some instances of people with vested interests infiltrating the workers’ protests to subvert the mass uprisings of July, we have faith that the unity of workers, for their own interests and the industry’s sake, will stand strong against all such harmful attempts.
Workers and labour organisations have also demanded the withdrawal of all unjust cases against labour leaders and workers in relation to the minimum wage movement. Workers are now calling for the resumption of trials to achieve justice for the structural murders at Tazreen and Rana Plaza.
Surviving in the current climate of skyrocketing inflation is difficult. As a result, factory workers are raising several important demands, including provisions for rations, tiffin (lunch meal) bills, night shift compensation, attendance bonuses, increased maternity leave, and anti-sexual harassment policies. Additionally, workers are seeking protection from blacklisting due to organising in the workplace. Although some factory owners have increased attendance bonuses and tiffin allowances, many workers still face unpaid wages. Workers are at risk of losing their jobs at the massive Beximco factory, owned by Salman F Rahman, former industry and investment advisor to the fallen autocratic government Meanwhile, associates of the ousted fascist political group and some jhut (scrap) businessmen, are trying to compromise the July mass uprising by creating unrest in worker-heavy boroughs.
It is crucial for the new Bangladesh to reassess the legitimacy of workers’ demands. Using repressive language or tactics in response to these demands will not lead to any positive outcomes for anyone. Instead, efforts should be made to listen to workers rather than suppress them. The July uprising has shown us all what severe repression leads to.
Garment workers have long been denied the right to form real trade unions, advocate for their demands and organise within their communities. Besides low wages, the primary obstacle to labour organising has been the joint control and suppression of collective action by factory owners and the government. This was not only a feature of the autocratic Hasina regime. Previous governments too have consistently supported the owners in suppressing labour organising, unleashing industrial police and other law enforcement and intelligence agencies against workers. They fostered an environment of fear and corruption to taint labour leadership.
Workers, like everyone, have high hopes for the interim government. It is urgent and necessary to end this culture of worker suppression and break free from the owner-government-law enforcement syndicate whose purpose is to stifle the labour movement. There are no shortcuts. Workers must stay vigilant, and the government must make clear commitments to more labour-friendly measures. The interim government must reckon with the fact that true progress in the garment industry is not just about upgrading factory buildings, greenwashing production plants or factory owners getting richer. Real progress lies in ensuring that workers can live a dignified life, speak out against injustices, and play a role in national policy-making.
In the wake of the mass uprising, RMG workers expect the new government to play an exemplary role in improving their living standards and developing the ready-made garment industry in Bangladesh. We must be united against any legal, state, or owner-created barriers to labour organising taking roots once more in the garment sector. Workers have historically achieved progress only through struggle, so it is vital that we build a strong foundation for the workers’ movement. The patriots, educated youth, women, farmers, researchers, intellectuals and other societal groups must support the workers’ movement as it is intrinsically linked to democratic transformation, freedom of expression, and the dignity of all people in Bangladesh.
Both workers and owners must remain vigilant to protect the gains from the uprising in this new political climate. The main challenge now in front of the interim government is to establish fair and free working conditions, dignified wages, and democratic laws for workers. The labour movement must adapt its strategies, tactics, and organisational infrastructures to match the evolution of the new state. The goal of the workers’ movement is to ensure that reform, accountability and transparency are reflected in all initiatives, including those undertaken by the new interim government. Factory owners must recognise that improving workers’ lives is beneficial for the industry. They should support workers’ right to form real and independent unions and avoid repression. To create these conditions, we must build new types of organisations that will facilitate the workers’ movement as well as build strong unity amongst the masses in a post-uprising Bangladesh.
Taslima Akhter Taslima Akhter is president of the Bangladesh Garment Sramik Samhati and a photographer. She can be reached at taslima_74@yahoo.com.
Back to Homepage